Whither Israel?

The late Secretary-General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan, was highly prescient when he made this statement:

“Today’s real borders are not between nations, but between powerful and powerless, free and fettered, privileged and humiliated.”

I believe that the common nationalistic narratives that had previously united populations who were more homogeneous prior to globalisation seem to be coming apart. In my view, many now believe that they have more in common with citizens of other states that with many of their own fellow citizens. They identify more by way of economic status, ethnicity, religion, or political vision. Thus, the overriding ideals that once bound all of the citizens of a country together have slowly splintered into those of competing, large sub-groups and a more divisive narrative fueled by politicians who seek an advantage. 

A good example is the relationship between the religious right and secular Jews in Israel.

According to Israeli statistics, only 43% of Israeli Jews are secular. The rest are members of religious congregations, including the ultra-orthodox Haredim that currently constitute 12% of the population, but are expected to reach 20% of Israeli Jews by 2028.

In a brilliant article in the New York Times on April 6th, Thomas Friedman wrote, “What is playing out in Israel is the same political fragmentation/polarization that is hobbling America: the loss of a shared national narrative to inspire and bind the country as it journeys into the 21st century”.

Israel was founded as a democratic Jewish state and was governed in its early years by Ashkenazic social democrats who had come from Eastern Europe in the 19th and 20th centuries. This was the Zionist’s unifying narrative that provided the glue that united the fissiparous community of Jews.

This lasted until 1977, when Menachem Begin of the right-wing Likud won the election with a majority of votes from Israel’s Sephardic community, whose origins were mostly in the Arab states and who viewed themselves to be second class citizens in Israel.

The Sephardim had little experience with the democratic socialism that fueled the Zionist dream. They were used to an Arab culture that eschewed democracy in favor of strong leaders. 

This has coloured the possibilities of peace between Israelis and Palestinians, as the Sephardic based religious and secular parties of the right, representing a growing number of Israelis, reject a two-state solution in favor of a religious “Greater Israel”. Thus, they always join coalitions when invited by Likud’s Benjamin Netanyahu, who also rejects any compromise with Palestinians on the issue of their national sovereignty.

In their view, “Greater Israel” could only lead to a state where only Jewish Israelis had full rights and Arab Israelis did not have equal citizenship if Israel were to retain its Jewish identity. 

Friedman has identified another element that feeds the fear of many that a united Israel may well be reaching a tipping point.

The rapidly increasing ultra-Orthodox community is shaping Israeli politics, as religious parties of the right seem to be more hostile to the secular members of the Israeli center and left.

This has social implications that go beyond religion. 

The religious right in Israel eschews modern education focusing on religious studies as the core of education in that country.

Dan Ben-David, a Tel Aviv University economist, observes that, “Despite currently being the home to some of the world’s best universities and a phenomenal high-tech sector, Israel is a nation where about half of its children are receiving a third-world education, and they belong to the fastest growing parts of the population.”

The results of the last election do not bode well for a united Israel as the right-wing religious parties continue their stranglehold over Israeli governance in what could lead to a third world theocracy. 

Can Israel survive as a modern democratic and Jewish state? 

Not unless moderate and progressive Israelis find a way to neutralize the political impact of the growing religious communities of voters and attract a majority of Israelis to a new national narrative.

Edición: Laura Espejo